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Le régionalisme classique

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Le régionalisme classique

De nouveaux types d’intégration, et particulièrement des constructions régionales fragiles, remettent en question le territoire de l’État-nation.

Afin d’expliquer comment la mondialisation reconstruit les politiques publiques et les comportements sociaux nous étudions les échanges et interactions entre les acteurs politiques, économiques et sociaux -publics et privés, individuels et collectifs- et la façon dont ils redessinent les relations internationales. Ce cours prend sa source dans les approches sociologique et historique françaises des relations internationales. This course is also available in english version: www.coursera.org/learn/global-studies

Impartido por:

Bertrand Badie
Professor
Marie-Françoise Durand
Professor

Transcripción

Let’s move now to another challenge

to our westphalian world.

As we observed in the last lecture

territory is no more limited

to the nation state territory.

After 1945 the world met

a new challenge

to regionalize the world order.

That’s to say the national unit is not

the only territorial unit of our new world.

We are now in a multi-scale world

in which the regional territory

is added to the national territory.

We have to take it into account

through a very important and crucial concept,

which is the concept of integration,

regional integration.

Integration is probably

the opposite to sovereignty.

Integration means abandoning

a part of sovereignty

in a more global, in a wider unit,

which is the regional territory.

But integration means also new identification.

The national, the citizen identification

is no more the prior allegiance,

and now the main challenge is

how to classify, how to order

the multiple identities of an individual

who is both a citizen of its nation state

but also a member of a regional unit,

a regional territory.

The third challenge is probably

the development of a new political community,

and this challenge is presently

one of the most important challenges in Europe.

Is Europe a political community or not?

Is it only an addition

of national political communities?

Or are we observing the rise

of a new regional political community?

But it’s also a transformation

of the international order.

Is now the world order

made of inter-regionalism?

That’s to say competition among the regions,

for instance Europe, America,

Far East and so on.

And the last question

is amazing are we now facing

a new regionalism

which is no more based on geography

but on a kind of political convergences

of nation states,

which are no more neighbors

but which are sharing

the same values and the same political objectives?

This is for instance the main feature

of what we call transregionalism.

IBAS India, Brazil, South Africa

which is called in English IBSA,

IBSA is an example of this new convergence

among nation states

which is not based on proximity

but on political solidarity.

But if we take into account regionalism,

we have to take into account three dimensions.

First, the traditional regionalism

which is now failing.

Second, new regionalism,

which emerged around the 70s,

the 80s last century.

And now maybe we are meeting a third step,

which is made of a crisis

and a kind of revisiting

this traditional and neoregionalism.

First of all, let’s start

by this traditional regionalism.

Traditional regionalism was born in Europe

just after the Second World War in 1945.

It was, and that is very interesting,

a mix of idealism and pragmatism.

Idealism the purpose was to put an end

to these European civil wars,

this competition among European states,

and as I observed in my last lecture

this competition was probably

at the origin of the way

of European political development.

This was considered as very dangerous,

and more that dangerous

with the Second World War,

this kind of competition resulted

in 60 millions of people killed.

And so the idea was to overcome that.

This was the ideal vision of what regionalism,

a European region, did mean.

But it was also a question of pragmatism.

It was the time of reconstructing Europe

and at this time for reconstructing Europe,

European countries needed coal

and British coal

was not sufficient for covering

all the needs of the new Europe,

and the new Europe

needed also the German coal.

So the unification of Europe,

that’s to say reconciliation

among enemies was necessary

even at an economic level.

So this traditional regionalism

was strongly influenced

by a very important author David Mitrany

in his very famous book,

which was “A Working Peace System”.

This book was published in 1943.

The main point of Mitrany was to say

that we have not to be committed

to the needs of the state

but we have to be committed

to the needs of human beings.

The needs of human beings

can be satisfied by the state,

by the nation state,

but generally it has to be satisfied

at other level, subregional level

but also a global regional level.

That’s to say Europe, united Europe is able

to satisfy the needs

of European individuals, European peoples

more than the nation state,

and the nation state can, on the contrary,

disturb the satisfaction of the human needs.

That’s to say,

with this new vision of politics,

for the first time in the European history,

state is no more at the center of the analysis,

at the center of this vision.

But we are immediately facing

a very strange paradox.

The main purpose of this traditional regionalism

was to overcome the state,

but the states,

the different European states

were the only possible actors

for promoting this new political order.

That’s to say overcoming state

was promoting by European states,

that’s why the way

was rather difficult to find.

And there was from

the fifties up to the seventies

a kind of permanent contradiction between

states defending their own sovereignty

and the European construction,

which more and more implied

to overcome national sovereignty.

That’s why this traditional regionalism

was a living contradiction,

and the main problem we were then facing

was to combine two opposite elements

of the political development.

This inter-governmental vision of Europe

has failed, and political actors

were aware of this failure.

It failed probably for three reasons.

The first one, as I mentioned,

is this permanent contradiction

between sovereignty

and interplaying, interaction

and even this starting interdependence.

The second contradiction is related

to the social economic transformation of the world,

that’s to say the rising new actors

who were the transnational actors.

How to locate transnational actors

in this intergovernmental vision of regionalization?

And when these transnational actors

were playing a very active role

in the transformation of the European economy,

when this European economy was developing,

there was a kind of conflict

between these new actors

and the traditional actors.

And the third level,

the third factor of failure

was the problem of identity.

European peoples used to identify themselves

to their nation states,

I would say, to their passport.

When Europe started getting

a real figure, a real presence,

in this new international arena,

How can they identify themselves?

Are they still French, German, Italian?

Or are they more and more European?

This contradiction fueled

a very strong debate about political identities,

but in the meantime,

created a kind of pressure

from below, from societies

for reshaping this regional order.

That’s why

we moved progressively, we moved

to a new kind of regionalization

that we would call neoregionalism.

Neoregionalism after traditional regionalism,

traditional regionalism

was affecting specially Europe,

when neo regionalism

was extending to all the world.

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