The interesting thing about shrines, shrine culture, is that it basically is not so much connected to the nation state. Of course you have secular shrines in Syria, quite a number but these are not religious. A good example is the shrine of Sayidda Zeinab, to the south of Damascus. It's a very old shrine, dedicated to a daughter of Imam Ali, a central figure in Muslim history, but in particular, in Shiite history. For both Shiites and Sunnis, this was a sacred place but we already saw before the war that the Iranian government was sending many pilgrims from Iran and later, also pilgrims from Iraq to these shrines. And they accommodated the pilgrims by hiring hotels, by building lodges but also what they did, is basically restructuring the shrines, expanding them and also giving them a Iranian look. And by doing so, they basically disconnected the shrine from the local community of both local Shiites, and local Sunnis and made it a goal for religious tourism, basically, from Iran and Iraq, mainly. Syrian shrine structures are traditionally very sober. Iranian ones are not sober. They have mirrors, silver, gold, tiles, it's a lot of bling bling. And basically whenever the Iranian governments invests in France, in Syria, or even in Jordan, as they did, all these shrines are turned into sort of Iranian fashion shrines. Basically for an audience which is regional and not national. In a way, this is a threat, of course because it changes the relation of the local community with the shrines but also, it's the future of the shrines. It is a broadening of heritage, especially in the war period, some of these shrines are basically centers of mobilizing people both from Syria and from the region. And a shrine like Zeinab attracts militia from Iraq, from Lebanon, from Iran, from Afghanistan, from Pakistan. And they basically are there to protect the shrine, which is a risky business because Islamist groups in particular, they target the shrine by car bombs by firing range rockets. So many people all ready died in the process of protection but the shrine is still not occupied by enemy forces. It's not the only example, Sayidda Zeinab is not the only example of a translocal, transnational shrine. When we look at fairly traditional shrines, and the network of shrines, it's fairly interesting to note that there are three saints which are very common in the area, the most common ones and they overlap. For the Jews, it will be Elijah, the prophet, from the testament, for the Christians, it will be St George, the knight who saved the virgin. And for the Muslims, they call the same sort of entity, And there are thousands of places dedicated in the entire area, which that is from the Balkans up to India, dedicated to either St George, Elias, or And Muslims would say, I go to visit Heter. Christians would say I'm visiting St George, or Elias, and there's more Jewish communities they stick to Elijah. So these are all structures and the main, the largest shrines, often Christian ones, attract audiences as far as from Canada. Basically are the Middle Eastern and diaspora. So you see the diasporic communities, in particularly Lebanon but also in Syria also invest in shrine facilities in Syria and Lebanon. A famous one is the cave in which the Prophet Elijah was supposed to have been hiding for a long time when he lived in de dessert and he was fed, braid by ravens. It used to be a very small shrine and then we know that around 1900, there was a larger structure built close to the shrine. And just before the war, there was a huge church being built on top of the hill, with many facility for hotels, a bus terminal. And this was mainly to cater for the Christian diasporic community and so the shrines developed from smaller, local places and they stretched right over the globe as places of heritage.